<Beginning of the
Christian Reaction.
[Influence by Raymond de
Peñaforte - limited Jewish rights - forced conversions -
blood libels]
However, early in the 13th century, a Christian reaction
made itself felt, under the influence of *Raymond de
Peñaforte, Dominican confessor to the king. From Barcelona
he attempted to limit the influence of the Jews by fixing
the interest rate on moneylending at 20%, by limiting the
effectiveness of the Jewish oath, and restating the
prohibition on Jews holding public office or employing
Christian servants (Dec. 22, 1228). The Council of Tarragona
(1235) restated these clauses and forbade Muslims to convert
to Judaism or vice versa. The Cortes increased their
attempts to suppress Jewish moneylending.
Thus the climate had changed.
[[It can be that their was also a bad influence from the
crusader states
which were more and more lost. The climate had changed in
big parts of Central and Western Europe already 200 years
before with the beginning of the crusades]].
Following the example of France, the kingdom of Aragon
initiated a large-scale campaign to convert the Jews through
exposing the "Jewish error". From 1250 the first blood libel
was launched in Saragossa.
Soon the example of Louis IX found Spanish (col. 230)
imitators: James I found himself obliged to cancel debts to
Jews (1259). Soon after, an apostate Jew carried over to
Spain the work of Nicholas *Donin of France, provoking a
disputation between Pablo *Christiani and the most famous
rabbi of the day, *Nahmanides. Held before the king, the
bishops, and Raymond de Peñaforte, the disputation took
place in Barcelona on July 20, 27, 30, and 31, 1263 (see
*Barcelona, Dispuation of). Central to the disputation were
the problem of the advent of the Messiah and the truth of
Christianity; probably for the last time in the Middle Ages,
the Jewish representative secured permission to speak with
complete freedom.
After a somewhat brusque disputation, each side claimed the
victory. This constituted no check to Christian missionary
efforts; forced conversion remained prohibited but the Jews
were compelled to attend conversionist sermons and to censor
all references to Jesus or Mary in their literature.
Nahmanides, brought to trial because of his frankness, was
acquitted (1265), but he had to leave Spain and in 1267
settled in Jerusalem.
[1267: Papal bull gives way
to the first inquisition - lost crusader states - the
useful colonizers are restricted]
By his bull
Turbato corde
[[1267]], proclaimed at this time, Pope Clement IV gave the
Inquisition virtual freedom to interfere in Jewish affairs
by allowing the inquisitors to pursue converted Jews who had
reverted to their old religion, Christians who converted to
Judaism, and Jews accused of exercising undue influence over
Christians and their converted brethren.
[[Supplement: The inquisition movement since 1267 also has
to be seen in the context of the lost racist crusader states
in Palestine. It's a revenge of the racist church against
all other belief to keep the power after the defeat in the
Middle East]].
It was becoming apparent that the Jews had outlived their
usefulness as colonizers, except in southern Aragon. The old
hostility toward Judaism reappeared, but for the time being
was content with efforts to convince the Jews of the truth
of Christianity.
At this period Raymond *Martini, one of the opponents of
Nahmanides, published his
Pugio
Fidei, a work which served as the basis for
anti-Jewish campaigns for many years. But the economic
usefulness of the Jews was still considerable: in 1294
revenue from the Jews amounted to 22% of the total revenue
in Castile. In spite of mounting hostility on the part of
the burghers, the state was very reluctant to part with such
a valuable source of income.
[Christian middle class
confronts the Jewish quarter - the Jewish community life
with an own jurisdiction - the development of a rotation
system in the Jewish councils]
The very existence of the Jewish communities posed problems
for the burgher class. The aljama [[Jewish quarter,
synagogue]] was a neighbour of the Christian municipality
but was free from its authority because of its special
relationship with the king. The
judería [[Jewish quarter]] (col. 231)
thus often seemed to be a town within a town. The aljama
itself in this period reinforced its authority and closed
its ranks, limiting the influence of the courtiers, who were
increasingly becoming a dominant class with no real share in
the spiritual life of the people.
The different communities in Aragon had developed on
parallel lines without any centralized organization. At
times their leaders met to discuss the apportionment of
taxes, but this had never led to the development of a
national organization. Within the communities the struggle
continued between the strong families who wielded power and
the masses.
In general the oligarchy succeeded in dominating the
communal council with the assistance of the
dayyanim [[judges]]
who, since they were not always scholars, had to consult the
rabbinical authorities before passing judgment according to
Jewish law.
Around the end of the 13th century the
dayyanim began to be
elected annually, the first step toward greater control by
the masses. Soon after, these masses managed to secure a
rotation of the members of the council, but nevertheless
these were nearly always chosen from among the powerful
families.
[Kabbalistic movement under
Nahmanides - and philosophic controversy about Maimonides
again - Jews at Christian courts are decreasing]
Such a climate of social tension, aggravated by the anxiety
caused by the insecure state of the Jews, proved fruitful
for the reception of kabbalistic teachings, transplanted at
the beginning of the 13th century from Provence to Gerona.
Mainly due to the works of Nahmanides, the kabbalistic
movement developed widely (see *Kabbalah). Between 1280 and
1290 the Zohar appeared and was enthusiastically received.
Philosophy appeared to be in retreat before this new trend.
At this very moment the Maimonidean controversy broke out
once more, beginning in Provence where the study of
philosophy had received a new impetus through the
translations of works from Arabic by the Ibn *Tibbon and
*Kimhi families. The quarrel reached such dimensions that
the most celebrated rabbi of the day, Solomon b. Abraham
*Adret, rabbi of Barcelona, was obliged to intervene. A
double
herem [[ban
sentence]] was proclaimed on those who studied Greek
philosophy before the age of 25 and on those who were too
prone to explain the biblical stories allegorically.
Exceptions were made on works of medicine, astronomy, and
the works of Maimonides.
This ban was probably another sign of the decline of the
Jewish community of Aragon and its increasing tendency to
withdraw into itself. During the same period Jewish
courtiers lost their influence and left the political arena.
[Castile: Lasting Jews at
court - expulsion plan of Martínez de Oviedo fails - rabbi
Asher b. Jehiel in Toledo]
In Castile, on the other hand, Jewish courtiers continued to
play an important role in spite of the efforts of other
courtiers to be rid of them and of the Church to condemn
them as usurers. Apostates were to the fore in this
struggle, especially *Abner of Burgos who, becoming a
Christian in 1321 and taking the name Alfonso of Valladolid,
tried to remain in close contact with the Jewish community,
the better to influence it.
Around the same period, Gonzalo *Martínez de Oviedo,
majordomo [[mayordomo, Engl.: administrator, butler]] to the
king, obtained the temporary dismissal of Jewish courtiers
and planned the eventual expulsion of all the Jews of the
kingdom. Soon himself accused of treason, he was put to
death (1340) and his plan fell into abeyance.
At the beginning of the 14th century *Asher b. Jehiel became
rabbi of Toledo, the principal community in the kingdom,
holding this office from 1305 to 1327. After the
imprisonment of his master *Meir b. Baruch of Rothenburg, he
had been the leading rabbinic authority in Germany, a
country he fled from in 1303. Practically as soon as he
arrived in Spain he was involved in the philosophic
controversy and signed the ban proclaimed by Solomon b.
Abraham Adret. On the latter's death he became the leading
rabbinic scholar in Spain, where he disseminated the methods
of the tosafists and the ideals of the *Hasidei Ashkenaz.
(col. 232)
[No Black Death expulsions
in Castile - Jews at the court of Pedro the Cruel -
synagogue in Toledo of 1357]
The attitude of the Catholic monarchy toward the Jews
continued to vacillate. Alfonso XI resolved to root out
Jewish usury but to permit the Jews to remain (1348). The
*Black Death, which reached Spain at this period, did not
give rise to persecutions like those which swept central
Europe.
Alfonso's successor, Pedro the Cruel (1350-69) brought
Jewish courtiers back into his employment and allowed Don
Samuel b. Meir ha-Levi *Abulafia, his chief treasurer, to
build a magnificent synagogue in Toledo in 1357 (it was
later turned into a church and subsequently into a museum).
Despite the fall of Don Samuel, who died in prison, other
Jewish courtiers retained their positions and influence.
[Castile: Civil war - Pedro
is "the king of the Jews" - restrictions in Burgos -
Henry's victory - Jewish positions - Jewish badge]
During the civil war between Pedro and his bastard
half-brother, Henry of Trastamara, the Jews sided with the
king, who, therefore, was even called the king of the Jews.
When Burgos was taken by the pretender (1366), the Jewish
community was reduced to selling the synagogue appurtenances
to pay its ransom. Some of its members were even sold into
slavery.
Henry's victory, augmented by the capture of Toledo (in
which many Jews fell victim), reduced the local community to
destitution: the king had seized at least 1,000,000 gold
maravedis. However, this did not prevent the king from
appointing Don Joseph *Picho as tax farmer and other Jews
from filling important positions. Incited by the Cortes, he
imposed the Jewish badge and forbade Jews to take Christian
names, but he did not dismiss his Jewish courtiers.
[Castile since 1380:
Restrictions for the Jewish jurisdiction]
Meanwhile the condition of the Jews in the kingdom
deteriorated. In 1380 the Cortes, as a result of the secret
execution of Don Joseph Picho as an informer on the orders
of the rabbinical tribunal, forbade the Jewish communities
to exercise criminal jurisdiction and to impose the death
penalty or banishment.
[Castile: Asher family]
In Castile the first part of the 14th century was dominated
by the personality of *Jacob b. Asher, third son of Asher b.
Jehiel, who was dayyan [[judge]] in Toledo. Around 1340 he
published his
Arba'ah
Turim, a codification of the law combining the
Spanish and the Ashkenazi traditions, which was widely
distributed. His brother *Judah b. Asher succeeded his
father in Toledo and became in effect the chief rabbi of
Castile.
[Kingdom of Aragon: no Jews at the court -
royal protection - Jewish taxes by Jewish business -
Inquisition - no forced conversions]
The situation in Aragon was generally both less brilliant
and less disquieting. There the influence of the Jews at
court had practically disappeared with the dismissal of the
Jewish courtiers. The Jews were tolerated and had the right
to royal protection within the limits of Church doctrine on
the matter. The taxes raised from the Jews were an important
source of revenue and so they were allowed to pursue their
commercial ventures and direct their own internal affairs.
Under the reign of James II (1291-1327) the Inquisition had
begun to show an interest in the Jews but the king declared
that their presence was an affair of state and not a
religious concern, an attitude characteristic of the
monarchy for many years. James gave no assistance to the
efforts to convert the Jews. When the *Pastoureaux arrived
in Aragon the king resisted them vigorously in his efforts
to spare the Jews from this menace.
[Kingdom of Aragon: Jewish
influx from France - Black Death persecution with pogroms
and massacres - measures]
During his rule (1306) Jews expelled from France were
permitted to settle in Spain. Unlike in Castile, in Aragon
the Black Death gave rise to anti-Jewish excesses. In
Saragossa only 50 Jews survived and in Barcelona and other
Catalonian cities the Jews were massacred. So shattered were
the communities by these riots that their leaders convened
in Barcelona in 1354 to decide on common measures to
reestablish themselves. They resolved to establish a central
body to appeal to the papal curia to defend them against
allegations of spreading the plague and to secure for them
some alleviation in their situation. A delegation sent to
Pope Clement VI in Avignon succeeded in having a bull
promulgated which condemned such accusations.
[Kingdom of Aragon: Jewish
community life and developments]
It would seem that the attempt to create a central (col.
233)
organization did not succeed, but the Aragon communities had
nevertheless to reorganize. From 1327 the Barcelona
community succeeded in abolishing all communal offices which
were acquired by royal favour. Authority and power within
the community were henceforth vested in the Council of 30,
elected by the community notables. The 30 were trustworthy
men, judges or administrators of charities, who were
empowered to issue
takkanot
[[sg. takkanah, major legislative enactment]] and apportion
taxes. They were elected for three-year terms and could
serve more than one term; however, close relatives could not
sit on the same council.
Although in effect the aristocracy remained in power, they
were no longer all-powerful. The presence in Barcelona of
eminent masters of the law counterbalanced the ambition of
the powerful families. Nissim b. Reuben *Gerondi (d.c.
1375),
av bet din
[["Father of the House of Justice"]] in Barcelona, exercised
great influence over all Spanish Jewry, as attested by his
many responsa (the majority of which are unfortunately no
longer extant). Hasdai *Crescas, born in Barcelona around
1340, who seems to have been close to court circles, became
the most venerated authority in Spanish Jewry. *Isaac b.
Sheshet Perfet, also born in Barcelona (1326), rapidly
became known as a leading rabbinic authority. A merchant by
trade, he later served as rabbi in various communities.
[2 April 1386: New
structure of the Jewish council of Barcelona]
On April 2, 1386, Pedro IV approved a new constitution for
the Barcelona community which constituted a slight progress
toward democratization. The community was divided into three
classes, almost certainly according to their tax
contribution. Each class was empowered to nominate a
secretary and elect ten members of the council. With the
secretaries, the 30 elected members made up the grand
council of the community. Five representatives of each class
and the secretaries constituted the smaller council. The
secretaries served for one year only and could only be
renominated after two years had expired.
One-third of the 30 members had to be renewed each year. The
council had limited powers only, being unable to establish
tax allocations without the approval of the 30. Tax
assessors had to be chosen from among the three classes. The
influence of the powerful families was thus curbed,
extending only over the class of the community of which they
were members.
[Jewish councils of little
communities]
The smaller communities, of course, established a less
complex system of administration. Councils were not
appointed there until the second half of the 14th century.
In many places the local oligarchy seems to have maintained
its power. In Majorca, essentially a mercantile community,
this oligarchy was composed of merchants who prevented any
democratization of the administration. The royal
administration recognized the existence of
judíos francos [[French
Jews]], descendants of courtly Jewish families who paid no
taxes to the community and took no part in communal life.
They married among themselves and generally remained true to
their faith.
[Religious control of the
Jewish communities in Spain]
The communities were also concerned with the moral life of
their members. An institution almost unique to Spain in the
Middle Ages was the
*berurei
averah, notables who watched over the religious
life of their communities. The latter also exercised
authority over *informers, punishing them with loss of a
limb or death, with the approval of the king. The death
sentenced was generally carried out immediately, which
to some seemed dangerous or arbitrary. To avoid the
possibility of abuse, in 1388 Hasdai Crecas was appointed
judge over all informers in the kingdom.> (col. 234)
The Persecutions of 1391.
[Kingdom of Castile:
anti-Jewish sermons - pogroms, fires and massacres under a
child king]
Soon the face of Spanish Jewry was brutally altered. In 1378
the archdeacon of Ecija [[between Seville and Córdoba]],
Ferrant *Martinez, launched a campaign of violent sermons
against the Jews, demanding the destruction of 23 local
synagogues. On the death of the archbishop in 1390, he
became virtual ruler of the diocese, using this situation to
intensify his anti-Jewish campaign and declaring that even
(col. 234)
the monarchy would not oppose attacks on the Jews.
After unsuccessful interventions by the communities, the
death of King John I of Castile (1390) left the crown in the
hands of a minor who did not attempt to check the
redoubtable preacher. On the first of Tammuz 5151 (June 4,
1391) riots broke out in Seville. The gates of the judería
[[Jewish quarter]] were set on fire and many died. Apostasy
was common and Jewish women and children were even sold into
slavery with the Muslims. Synagogues were converted into
churches and the Jewish quarters filled with Christian
settlers.
Disorder spread to Andalusia, where Old and New Castile
Jewish communities were decimated by murder and apostasy. In
Toledo, on June 20, Judah grandson of Asher b. Jehiel,
refused to submit and was martyred. Attacks were made in
*Madrid, *Cuenca, Burgos, and Córdoba, the monarchy making
no efforts to protect the Jews. So many people had been
involved in the riot that it proved impossible to arrest the
leaders.
In July violence broke out in Aragon; the Valencia community
was destroyed on July 9 and more than 250 Jews were
massacred. Others, including Isaac b. Sheshet Perfet,
managed to escape. The tardy measures taken by the royal
authorities were useless.
Many small communities were converted en masse. In the
Balearic Islands the protection of the governor was to no
avail: on July 10 more than 300 Jews were massacred. Others
took refuge in the fortress, where pressure was put on them
to compel them to (co. 235)
convert. A few finally escaped to North Africa. In Barcelona
more than 400 Jews were killed on August 5. During the
attack on the Jewish quarter of Gerona on August 10 the
victims were numerous. The Jews of *Tortosa were forcibly
converted. Practically all the Aragon communities were
destroyed in bloody outbreaks when the poorer classes,
trying to relieve their misery by burning their debts to the
Jews, seized Jewish goods. Yet the motive behind the attacks
was primarily religious, for, once conversion was affected,
they were brought to an end.
[King John I of Aragon lets
the pogroms go - the "Christians" take over the Jewish
positions]
Although he did not encourage the outbreaks, John I of
Aragon did nothing to prevent or stop them. contenting
himself with intervening once the worst was over. Above all
he was concerned to conserve royal resources and on Sept.
22, 1391 ordered an enquiry into the whereabouts of the
assets of the ruined communities and dead Jews, especially
those who had left no heirs. All that could be found he
impounded.
At this point Hasdai Crescas became in effect the saviour of
the remnants of Aragonese Jewry, gathering together the
funds necessary to persuade the king to come to their
defense, appealing to the pope, and offering assistance to
his brethren. The assassins were barely punished, but when a
fresh outbreak seemed imminent early in 1392 the king
swiftly suppressed it. Subsequently he took various measures
to assist Hasdai Crescas in his efforts to reorganize the
communities and reunite the dispersed members.
Meanwhile, in Barcelona and Valencia, the burghers, freed
from their rivals, seemed opposed to the reconstitution of
the shattered Jewish communities. A small community was
reestablished in Majorca. In the countryside the communities
could reorganize more easily; there the Jews were
indispensable and less a target of the jealousy of the
Christian burghers.> (col. 236)
Encyclopaedia Judaica 1971: Spain, vol.15, col.235, convicted Jew by inquisition with sanbenito: Victim of the Inquisition wearing the sanbenito,
