Encyclopaedia Judaica
Jews in Rumania
(Romania) in WW II (02): Jewish Resistance
Boycott of German goods since 1933 - Jewish parties
and organizations - actions against anti-Jewish laws and
against the yellow badge - actions against deportation
orders - assistance committee for deported Jews in
Transnistria
from: Encyclopaedia Judaica
(1971), vol. 14
presented by Michael Palomino (2008)
As soon as Hitler assumed power in Germany (1933), Jewish
leaders in Bucharest, mostly Zionists, decided not to remain
passive. In November th congress of the Jewish Party in
Rumania decided to join the anti-Nazi boycott movement,
disregarding the protest raised by the Rumanian press and
anti-Semitic groups, but the Union of the Rumanian Jews
(U.E.R.) did not participate in the campaign.
The necessity for a united political, as well as economic,
struggle soon became obvious. On Jan. 29, 1936, the Central
Council of Jews in Rumania, composed of representatives of
both Jewish trends - the U.E.R. and the Jewish Party - was
established for "the defense of all Jewish rights and
liberties against the organizations and newspapers that
openly proclaimed the introduction of the racial regime." At
the end of the year the Council succeeded in averting a bill
proposed in the parliament by the anti-Semitic circles
suggesting that citizenship be revoked from the Jews.
During the same period the Rumanian government attempted to
suppress the state subvention for Jewish religious needs, as
well as the exemption from taxes accorded to Jewish
community institutions. The Council could not obtain the
maintenance of the subvention, and it was finally reduced to
one-sixth of its allotment.
[40 days Goga anti-Semitic
government and Jewish boycott counter measures]
When Goga's anti-Semitic government came to power, the
Council began a struggle against it, gaining support and
attention outside Rumania. Filderman, president of the
Council, left at once for Paris, where he mobilized the
world Jewish organizations with headquarters in France and
England and informed local political circles and the League
of Nations of events in Rumania. At the same time the Jews
in Rumania began an expanded economic boycott, refraining
from commercial transactions, withdrawing their deposits
from the banks, and delaying tax payments.
The outcome was "large-scale paralysis of the economic
life", as the German minister of foreign affairs stated in
his circular of March 9, 1938. Thus the dismissal of the
Goga government after only 40 days was motivated not only by
external pressure, but by the effects of the Jewish economic
boycott.
THE UNION OF THE JEWISH
COMMUNITIES [successful protests against anti-Semitic
laws]
Following the downfall of the Goga government, King Carol's
royal dictatorship abolished all the political parties in
Rumania, including the Jewish Party and the Union of
Rumanian Jews. The single body of the Jews in Rumania was
the Union of the Jewish Communities, whose board was
composed of the leaders of both Jewish currents.
The Union assumed the task of fighting against the
increasing number of anti-Jewish measures promulgated by the
Rumanian authorities under pressure from local anti-Semitic
circles and the German government. In some cases its
interventions were successful; for example, it achieved the
nullification of the prohibition against collecting
contributions to Zionist funds, and, as a result of its
protests, the restrictions against the Jewish physicians and
the Jewish industrial schools were abrogated.
In the summer of 1940, after Rumania ceded Bukovina and
Bessarabia to the Soviet Union, the Rumanian police tried to
eject Jewish refugees from those two provinces. The Union's
board succeeded in moving the Ministry of the Interior to
annul the measure. When the interdiction of ritual slaughter
was decreed, the board obtained an authorization for ritual
slaughtering of poultry. The cancellation of the prohibition
against Jews peddling in certain cities was also achieved.
When the anti-Semitic newspapers incited against the (col.
405)
leaders of the Union, the police began to search their
homes.
Ion Antonescu's government, with the participation of the
Iron Guard, closed several synagogues (those with less than
400 worshipers in cities and 200 in villages) and
transferred the property to Christian churches. The
disposition was canceled after three days, however, as a
result of an audience between the Union's president,
Filderman, and Antonescu, simultaneously the minister of
religion, who ordered the measure, was forced to resign.
These acts took place during the first period of the new
regime, dominated by the Iron Guard, when trespasses
[[attacks]] were committed against the Jews daily.
The Union's board constantly informed Antonescu and the
diverse ministries of these acts, pointing out their
illegality and arbitrariness. The argument that constantly
recurred in the memoranda presented by the Union's board was
that the confiscation of Jewish shops and industrial
companies caused the disorganization of the country's
economic life. Antonescu used the information provided by
the board to support his stand against the trespasses.
The Iron Guard responded with a terror campaign against the
Jewish leaders: some were arrested and tortured by the
"legionary police", others were murdered ruing the revolt
against Antonescu.
[Herzl Zionists negotiating
for emigration to Palestine]
The Zionist leadership negotiated with Antonescu about
organizing the emigration of Rumanian Jews (see *Zionism in
Rumania). The minister of finance proposed that the
emigration be financed by Rumanian assets, which had been
frozen in the United States, because Rumania had joined the
Axis. The transaction had to be accomplished through the
*American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee (JDC), whose
representative in Rumania was also the president of the
Union.
In every city the Jewish community had to register those who
wanted to emigrate and were able to pay the amount demanded
by the government. The Union's board utilized this agreement
as a leverage [[taking influence]] for achieving certain
concessions, especially after Rumania joined Germany in the
war against the Soviet Union (June 1941).
[Further successful
protests against anti-Jewish laws and against the yellow
badge]
For example, when the evacuation of Jews from villages and
towns began, the Union secured the government's agreement
not to send these Jews to concentration camps (as had
previously been ordered), but rather to lodge them in the
big cities, where they were to be cared for by the local
Jewish communities.
Another achievement (on Aug. 14, 1941) was the liberation of
the rabbis, leaders of communities, and teacher employed in
Jewish schools, who had been arrested after the outbreak of
war with the U.S.S.R., from the Targu-Jiu concentration
camp. The Union raised the argument that the plans
concerning the release of the Rumanian properties in the
United States were dependent upon those local leaders.
On Aug. 2, 1941, the board achieved the cancellation of the
order that Jews were the yellow *badge and other measures,
including the creation of ghettos in the cities and
mobilizing women for forced labor, in which Jewish men were
already engaged.
Richter insisted on the reintroduction of repressive
measures, and on September 3 the order to wear the yellow
badge was reendorsed. This time, in addition to intervention
by the Union's leaders, Chief Rabbi Alexander *Safran went
into action. He appealed to the head of the Christian
Orthodox Church, Patriarch Nicodem, and on September 8
Antonescu annulled the order. Nevertheless, the yellow badge
was maintained in a number of Moldavian cities, as well as
in Chernovtsy (Cernauti), the capital of Bukovina, where the
German influence was strong.
During this period, when Rumania suffered great losses on
the front and Germany called for an increase in Rumanian
participation, the Union's board employed the argument that
Rumania, being an ally of the Third Reich, (col. 406)
[...]
anti-Jewish laws that were applied only to German satellite
countries. Hungary and Italy, allies that did not apply such
measures at that time, were presented as examples. It is
known from von Killinger's reports that Antonescu raised
these objections in his dealings with the Nazi government.
[Jewish interventions
regarding the deportations to Transnistria]
After Jews began to be deported from Bessarabia and Bukovina
to Transnistria, the board delegated Chief Rabbi Safran to
intervene with the queen mother, Patriarch Nicodem, and the
archbishop of Bukovina and induce them to intercede with
Antonescu to halt the deportations and permit aid to those
who had already been transported over the Dniester.
Until a decision could be achieved through their
intervention, and against the opposition of von Killinger,
the 17,000 Jews who remained in Chernovtsy were not
deported. However, the steps taken, with permission to
provide assistance to those who had already been deported to
Transnistria were sabotaged by difficulties raised by lower
authorities.
The Union also endeavored to gain the support of the U.S.
ambassador, who interceded with the Rumanian government.
Nevertheless, when the ambassadors of Brazil, Switzerland,
and Portugal proposed to the U.S. ambassador the initiation
of an international protest against the Rumanian anti-Jewish
excesses, the latter reported to Washington that he did not
possess enough exact information. Later on, however, in
another report (Nov. 4, 1941), he described in detail the
massacres committed in Bessarabia and in Bukovina and the
cruelties that were committed during the deportations to
Transnistria. The description was based on the information
received from the Union. (It was only at the end of 1941
that Rumania broke off relations with the United States,
under German pressure).
The anti-Semitic press - financed and inspired by the German
embassy - including the German-language
Bukarester Tageblatt,
then intensified the incitement against the Jewish leaders
and their constant interventions against anti-Jewish
measures.
THE UNDERGROUND JEWISH
COUNCIL [and diplomatic actions against deportation
orders]
At the end of 1941 the Union of the Communities was
dissolved under pressure from Richter, and the Centrala
evreilor (Central Board of the Jews) was set up at his
suggestion in January 1942. Its leaders were appointed by
Radu Lecca, who was responsible for Jewish affairs in the
Rumanian government, but they were actually subordinate to
Richter. Nearly all of the new leaders were unknown to the
Jewish public, with the exception of A. Willman, who shortly
before his appointment had published a number of pamphlets
proposing a kind of neo-territorialist plan to be
accomplished with the aid of Nazi Germany. From the outset,
the Jewish population expressed its distrust of the new
organ.
The former leaders of the Jewish institutions formed a
clandestine Jewish Council with Chief Rabbi Alexander Safran
as its president. The Council leaders handed memoranda
personally to, or interceded individually with,
Antonescu or his ministers, who went on to deal with them
because the government did not trust the Central Board
either.
In the spring of 1942 changes were made in the framework of
the Central Board. Willman and some of his followers were
removed and replaced by others appointed from among the
leadership of the Zionist movement and the Union of the
Rumanian Jews (U.E.R.). Thus the Central Board was prevented
from taking any harmful initiatives against the Jewish
population.
In the summer [[1942]] the Zionist Organization was
dissolved at the request of the Germans, and this was a sign
that the Germans disagreed with the Rumanian policy, which
aided Jewish emigration. On July 22 when Richter obtained
Mihai Antonescu's assent to the deportation of the Jews to
the extermination camps in Poland, the clandestine Jewish
Council immediately (col. 408)
learned of the details of the deportation program and used
personal contacts to achieve the repeal of the agreement.
Safran invited the archbishop of Transylvania, Nicholas
Balan, to Bucharest, since the transports were to be
initiated from there; the queen mother was also convinced by
Safran to intercede, together with the archbishop, with Ion
Antonescu. Others were also requested to intercede on behalf
of the Jews, such as the papal nuncio, Andreas Cassulo; the
Swiss ambassador, René de Weck, and even Antonescu's
personal physician [[doctor]].
[October 1942: new
deportation order by Eichmann - new diplomatic action]
Danger was overcome for the present, but not for long, as
Eichmann persevered in demanding the deportation of Rumanian
Jews, in October 1942 the deportation order, under pressure
from Eichmann, was issued again, this time to begin from
Transylvania. The Council immediately went into action: the
most important figure to intercede was Safran with the papal
nuncio, who applied to the Rumanian minister of foreign
affairs to cancel the deportation order. The nuncio's
efforts were supported by the Swedish and Turkish
ambassadors, and by the delegates of the International Red
Cross. At the same time the Jewish Council achieved the
annulment of the order to deport to Transnistria 12,000 Jews
accused of having committed crimes or breaches of
discipline.
THE STRUGGLE TO REPATRIATE
DEPORTED JEWS [against NS German decision of Eichmann]
After overcoming the danger of deportation to the
extermination camps in Poland, the Jewish Council began to
request the return of those who had survived the
deportations to Transnistria. The dealing with the Rumanian
government began in November 1942 over the question of a
ransom to be paid by Zionist groups outside Rumania.
Eichmann's unceasing interventions prevented a clear-cut
decision until, on April 23, Antonescu - under German
pressure - issued the order that not a single deportee
should return.
The Jewish leaders then initiated the struggle for a "step
by step" resolution to the problem, asserting that a series
of categories had been deported arbitrarily, without
previous investigation. The Rumanian government ordered a
detailed registration of categories. At the beginning of
1943 an official commission was appointed to classify the
deportees. In July Antonescu authorized the return of
certain cases (aged persons, widows, World War I invalids,
former officers of the Rumanian army, etc.). Implementation
of the order, however, encountered difficulties raised by
the governor of Transnistria, who was under the influence of
[[NS]] German advisers. Only at the beginning of December
[[1943]] did the deportees begin to return, according to
categories: yet it was a struggle against time, as meanwhile
the front had reached Transnistria.
[Stressed relations between
Rumanian and NS German officials - Jewish diplomacy for
emigration]
The Jewish Council took advantage of the opportunity offered
by the conflicts between the Rumanians and the Germans,
which became more and more stressed, especially after the
Nazis discovered the peace feelers sent out by the Rumanians
to the [[Western]] Allies. The Rumanian government now felt
that alleviating [[moderating]] the condition of the Jews
and protecting them from the Germans would create more
favorable conditions for Rumania upon the conclusion of the
peace treaty [[with the Western allies]]. From the beginning
of 1944 the clandestine Zionist Executive dealt separately
with Antonescu on the question of emigration. Its efforts
had an influence on the general situation, as the Rumanian
authorities made the return of the deportees conditional
upon their immediate emigration.
THE COMMITTEE OF ASSISTANCE
[with help for the deported Jews in Transnistria
1942-1944]
Whole strata of Rumanian Jewry were pauperized because of
the anti-Jewish economic measures. The former committee of
the JDC continued its activity clandestinely under the
control of the Union of the Jewish Communities and afterward
of the Jewish Council. In October 1943 it was officially
recognized within the framework of the "Jewish Central
Board" as the (col. 408)
Autonomous Committee of Assistance. Assistance was thus
provided to the Jews evacuated from towns and villages who
could not be maintained by the local communities. The most
important accomplishment, however, was the aid in the form
of money, medicines, utensils for craftsmen, coal, oil
heaters, window glass, clothing, etc. transmitted to
Transnistria. In order to cover the budget, money and
clothing were collected in the regions not affected by
deportations. These means, however, were far from adequate.
Only owing to the important amounts acquired from the JDC,
the Jewish Agency, and other world Jewish organizations was
the Autonomous Committee of Assistance able to continue its
activity.
In addition to all the official difficulties raised by the
Rumanian central authorities (the compulsory transfer of
money through the National Bank at an unfavorable exchange
rate, and the obligation of paying customs for the objects
sent), the transports were frequently plundered on the way
or confiscated by the local authorities in Transnistria. The
assistance, however, was in itself an element of resistance.
The mere fact that the deportees knew that they had not been
abandoned, at least by their fellow Jews, contributed to the
maintenance of their morale. The aid in its various forms
saved thousands of lives. Through clandestine
correspondence, carried by non-Jewish messengers, reports
were received concerning the situation of the refugees. This
means of providing information was insufficient, however,
and the Autonomous Committee of Assistance therefore wanted
to review the situation directly on the spot.
As early as January 1942 authorization was obtained from the
Ministry of the Interior for a delegation of the committee
to go to Transnistria; nevertheless, due to the opposition
of the governor of Transnistria, the representatives could
not get there until Dec. 31, 1942. The governor received
them in audience at Odessa and tried to intimidate them by
means of threat, telling them that their behavior would
determine whether or not they would return to Rumania. He
gave them permission to visit only three of the camps in
which deported Jews were concentrated. The delegates of the
committee responded by requesting a regional conference with
representatives of all the camps. During the railway journey
to Mogilev, the delegates visited the Zhmerinka camp and
received information about the surrounding camps.
Upon their arrival at Mogilev (Jan. 8-9, 1943), a regional
conference took place with the participation of about 70
delegates. Before the conference opened, the prefect and the
commander of the gendarmes warned the delegates not to
complain about their situation adding the threat that
complaints might endanger the further receipt of aid.
However, the delegates clandestinely submitted a written
report concerning the real situation to the representatives
of the committee. From Mogilev the delegation left for
Balta, where it did not receive a license for a regional
conference, but each delegate from the ghettos or camps of
the area was authorized to report individually about the
situation. Back in Bucharest, after this two-week tour in
Transnistria, the delegates presented their report, which
was also sent to Jewish organizations abroad.
In December 1943 representatives of the Autonomous Committee
of Assistance again left for Transnistria to organize the
return of the deportees, taking with them wagons of
clothing. One group or representatives left for the north,
to Mogilev and its surroundings; another for the south, to
Tiraspol. The central administration of Transnistria did not
display any goodwill, but the local authorities provided
wagons for the transport. On Feb. 15, 1944, two delegations
started out to aid the return of the orphans. (col. 409)
On March 17, 1944, another two delegations set out for
Transnistria, but they could not reach their destination as
the area had already become a front area, the northern part
occupied by the Red Army.
The delegates installed themselves in Tighina (Bessarabia),
whence [[from where]] they made contact with Tiraspol on the
eastern bank of the Dniester River and succeeded in saving
almost all those concentrated there.
[The last NS German
massacres - Stalin closing the frontier end of June 1944]
The Germans still had the time to organize a last massacre,
murdering 1,000 Jews who were in detention in the Tiraspol
jail.
When Transnistria and Bessarabia were reconquered by the
Soviets, the deportees who followed the armies were the last
to succeed in returning to Rumania, for afterward, at the
end of June 1944, the Soviets closed the frontier. It was
reopened only in May 1945 for a last group of 7,000
deportees, after prolonged dealings in Bucharest between the
Jewish leaders and General Vinogradov, the head of the
Soviet armistice commission. (col. 410)
