<The Reconquest Period.
[Revenge movements
Visigothic successor states - tolerant Carolingian Empire]
For many years the history of the Jews in Christian Spain
became an element in the struggle for the reconquest. In the
early stages of this the Jews suffered alongside the Muslims
from the violence of the newly-founded Christian state in
Oviedo, which regarded itself as the successor of the
Visigoths and felt bound to punish the so-called treason of
the Jews. However, in many Christian principalities the
influence of the Carolingian Empire was paramount and the
Jews were treaded more moderately.
Little is known about the Catalonian Jewish communities
during this period; their presence is attested by a few
tombstones. More records are available on the communities in
the county of León. In this province a problem arose which
perplexed the Christian kings of the reconquest for many
years: how to settle, colonize, and develop regions won back
from the Muslim invaders.
It is fairly clear that this preoccupation prompted a change
in their attitude toward the Jews so that gradually they
began to consider them a useful and even essential section
of the population.
[Development of the
Christian states with the Jews: example León - privileges
and freedom for settlers]
Relations with the Christian population changed, and this
period saw the emergence of organized communities,
influential in trade and industry, in northwest Spain. In
the new capital, León, from the tenth century the Jews
controlled the commerce in textiles and precious stones.
They also owned many estates in the kingdom. In the young
state of Castile the judicial status of the Jews was almost
equal to that of the Christians. In the meantime the Jewish
population in the small Christian states was insignificant.
At the beginning of the 11th century, assisted by the
decline of the caliphate, the Christian hold in Spain
increased through the initiative of Alfonso V of León
(999-1027), who set himself out to attract settlers to his
lands by granting them privileges and freedom. Among these
new settlers were numerous Jews, who shared the same
advantages as the Christians. It is difficult to establish
their origins: did they come from France or from Muslim
Spain, where their situation was now less secure than
before?
At any rate it is highly likely that at the beginning of the
11th century, especially with the onset of the Berber
invasions, many Jews from the Muslim region made their way
to the Christian kingdom, attracted by the advantages
offered to new settlers, to join earlier Jewish arrivals.
[Changes in the Jewish
communities under Christian rule]
The (col. 226)
face of Spanish Jewry was transformed; for the first time
the influence of oriental Jewry penetrated a Christian land,
dislodging the influence of Franco-German Jewry from its
monopolistic position.
In spite of the internal reverses and setbacks disturbing
the countries of Christian Spain, which also had an effect
on the Jews, Jewish communities were organized and securely
established. Their status was clearly defined: whether they
lived on territory belonging to nobles, monastic orders, or
elsewhere, the Jews belonged to the king, who protected them
and to whom they owed fealty. For some time this principle
was interpreted literally - as the blood money due on the
killing of a Jews had to be paid directly to the king.
[Crusades without influence
on Jewry of the Iberian Peninsula]
The abortive Crusade of 1063 did not affect the development
of the Jewish communities. According to legend, the great
national hero El Cid employed Jews as treasurers, financial
agents, lawyers, and administrators. Alfonso VI certainly
employed as his physician and financier the Jew Joseph
ha-Nasi *Ferrizuel, called Cidellus or little Cid, who did a
great deal to help his coreligionists.
It appears that Alfonso was the Spanish king who inaugurated
a tradition that lasted as long as Spanish Jewry itself:
that of the Jewish courtiers who, while still remaining
faithful to their religion, exercised considerable authority
over the inhabitants of the kingdom. During Alfonso's reign
the reconquest suffered a setback with the defeat of
Zallaker in 1086; no doubt there were some who cast
aspersions on the Jews of the king who had refused to tight.
In the meantime in *Barcelona the Jews continued to be
important landowners. According to some estimates, in the
11th and 12th centuries they owned around one-third of the
estates in the country, which explains why the second
Council of Gerona demanded that they continue to pay the
tithes due to the Church on land that they had purchased
from Christians.
In 1079 there were at least 60 Jewish heads of families in
Barcelona. This was the milieu which produced the first
great figures of Spanish Jewish culture: the rabbi Isaac b.
Reuben al-Bargeloni ("from Barcelona") the many-faceted
*Abraham b. Hiyya ha-Nasi, and the rabbi *Judah b. Barzillai
al-Bargeloni. Writing in a Christian land, these three
authors belonged to a totally different cultural environment
from their contemporary, Rashi, and attest the originality
of Spanish Jewish thought which, from the end of the 11th
century, gained in importance and impact.
The Golden Age in Spain.
[since 1085: Reconquests
under Alfonso I of Castile: Toledo, Tudela, Saragossa -
tolerance to the Jews]
When Toledo fell to Alfonso I of Castile in 1085 the Jewish
inhabitants, unlike the Muslims, did not flee the town, and
it seems that they continued to live in their old quarter,
joined there by newcomers from old Castile and León and
refugees from Muslim lands.
On the death of the king in 1109, the security of the Jews
was revealed as illusory since it was based solely on royal
favor, which more tardily was again extended by
Alfonso's successor. In the meantime Christianity
gained ground in Spain.
*Tudela fell to King Alfonso I of Aragon in 1115. Jews and
Muslims alike were granted full religious freedom, but while
the Muslims were ordered to leave the town itself the Jews
were granted permission to remain in their own quarter,
which lay within the city walls. Thus, preferred to the
Muslims, they were no longer an object of fear to the
Christians.
The Jews of *Saragossa, conquered in 1118, enjoyed the same
privileges and this precedent was followed in almost all
towns on the way of the triumphant Christian advance.
[Reconquests of Barcelona
county: Tortosa, Lérida]
The county of Barcelona, united with the kingdom of Aragon
in the time of Count Ramón Berenguer IV (1131-62), had also
taken part in the reconquest. In 1148 *Tortosa fell to the
count who, having given important possessions to the Jews
there, promised supplementary (col. 227)
freedoms to any of their coreligionists who wished to settle
in the town. When *Lérida was conquered in 1149, the Jews
were once more asked to stay and preferred to the Muslims.
Nevertheless they were not always protected from the
maneuverings of the Christian lords, who cared more for
immediate gain than for future settlement.
[Shift of the Spanish
Jewish center from the south to the north - Jewish
positions within the Spanish Christian kingdoms - lawsuits: oath "More Judaico"]
At this time the focal point of Spanish Jewry had shifted
from the Muslim south to the Christian north, where the
Jewish population had increased considerably. However, the
internal structure of the communities changed little and the
rule of the notables remained firmly established. The court
Jews still occupied all important positions, which scarcely
troubled newcomers, who were above all concerned with
establishing themselves and finding a means of livelihood.
The tended to settle in the towns more than in the
countryside. Occasionally the Christian kings gave them the
citadel of a conquered town and there they established
themselves, assuring at the same time their internal
communal autonomy and external security. Engaged largely in
commerce and industry and in the administration of the
possessions of the nobles, the Jews were barely concerned
with moneylending.
The Jews were serfs of the king, property of the royal
treasury alone, but in times of stability this meant no more
than an obligation to pay taxes; the king took no interest
in the internal structure of the communities, which remained
autonomous organizations. Known as *aljama (the Arabic name being retained),
the Jewish communities were each independent political
entities paying taxes directly to the royal treasury, with
full administrative and judicial autonomy, under the very
general supervision of a royal functionary.
In the case of suits with Christians, the Jews had to take a
special *oath more
judaico and were forbidden to engage in judicial
duels.
[since 12th century:
anti-Jewish law of the municipalities against rich Jews -
important Jews at the courts - democratic reaction of the
poor]
From the end of the 12th century, however, municipal
legislation weighed more heavily on the Jews: the
municipalities were desirous of curbing the power of rich
Jewish businessmen. But in spite of their efforts they did
not succeed in supplanting the king as the supreme authority
over the Jews.
Meanwhile in Barcelona, Toledo, and Saragossa the Jewish
courtiers, and aristocracy in their own right, acquired even
greater importance. They were tax farmers and undertook
diplomatic missions and were frequently looked upon askance
by the communities too, whose authority they sometimes tried
to avoid. It is there fore hardly surprising that from the
early 13th century the first signs of a democratic reaction
were apparent, the poorer demanding a voice in the communal
councils alongside the rich.
[Movement of Maimonides -
question of validity of philosophy in Judaism - further
Christian reconquests - and important Jews in the new
Christian kingdoms]
In this period the *Maimonidean controversy split Spanish
Jewry. Beginning in Provence, it spread through the Midi,
developing into a dispute on the very validity of philosophy
within Judaism. It was the first sign of self-examination by
the communities and of the renunciation of ideas absorbed
from the Muslim and then from the Christian background. This
tendency was expressed in the condemnation of the writings
of Maimonides, several of them being suppressed. The
controversy simmered down, only to break out with renewed
ferocity some time later.
In the meantime the reconquest proceeded apace. James I of
Aragon (1213-76) took the Balearic Islands (1229-35) and
Valencia (1238). Ferdinand III of Castile (1217-52) captured
*Córdoba (1236), *Murcia (1243), and *Seville (1248).
Alfonso X (1252-84) extended the conquest so far that only
the kingdom of Granada remained in Muslim hands.
All these kings had employed Jews in their armies and all
had requested them to settle in towns evacuated by Muslims.
Everywhere the Jews who had lived under Muslim rule were
permitted to remain in their old quarter, were preferred to
Muslims, and their previous privileges were confirmed. Their
ownership of land expanded, for the (col. 228)
kings frequently granted them lands and other possessions in
order to attract them to settle. More Jewish shops opened in
the towns, arousing the opposition of the municipalities,
who wished to limit their commerce.
[since 1263: code Las Siete
Partidas by Alfonso X: Jewish religious rights - religious
borders - badge]
Around the middle of the 13th century King *Alfonso X
prepared a code of laws covering all the inhabitants of his
kingdom. This code known as Las Siete Partidas, was formulated around
1263, but was only very gradually applied, especially from
1348. It defined with great precision the principles of
royal policy toward the Jews and in this respect was
extremely influential. The Jews were accorded complete
religious liberty, on condition that they did not attack the
Christian faith; measured were taken to prevent the
possibility of *blood libels; and they were forbidden to
leave their homes during Easter.
They were also prohibited from holding positions of
authority over Christians. The number and size of synagogues
were strictly limited, but it was forbidden to disturb the
Jews on the Sabbath, even for legal reasons. No force was to
be used to induce them to adopt Christianity, while those
who had converted were not to be taunted with insults about
their origins, nor to lose their rights of succession to the
property of their former coreligionists.
By contrast, any Christian who converted to Judaism was to
be put to death and his property declared forfeit. Jews and
Christians were not to occupy the same house, and Jews could
not own Christian slaves. They were also to carry a special
badge which identified them as Jews. Thus the policy of the
Church triumphed.
[Jewish quarters,
synagogues, Jewish school leaders, Jewish courts of law -
the "rab de la corte"]
The aljamas
[[Jewish quarters, synagogues]] turned more in on
themselves, reinforced their autonomy. Under the direction
of their *muqaddamin
(or *adelantados)
[[school leaders]] they established their own courts of law,
but maintained the right of appeal before the royal court.
At this period the king appointed a functionary, known as
the rab de la corte,
to supervise the affairs of the Jewish communities. It
appears that his nomination by the king did not give rise to
any special problems, for he generally did not interfere
with the internal organization of the communities.
[Jewish positions in the
Christian courts - dynasties of Jewish courtiers]
Jewish courtiers, largely in Castile, rose to the highest
positions. Therefore their fall was usually attended by the
most brutal consequences for the communities to which they
belonged, and thus the latter could not consider them as shtadlanim
[[advocates]], but rather as high functionaries and
financiers whose influence depended more on their talents
than on any representative status. the Castilian monarchs
seem to have been well satisfied by their services. As Jews
they could not aim for political power nor could they ally
themselves with the nobility or the clergy.
Thus there developed in the Christian lands the custom, long
widespread in the Orient, of employing Jews in the highest
administrative and financial positions. The nobles imitated
the kings in employing Jewish experts. Some of these Jewish
courtiers, while still holding to the Jewish faith, were
influenced by the Christian environment; wishing to live as
nobles, they competed for royal favor.
Veritable dynasties of courtiers emerged: the powerful
families wielded considerable importance in their
communities. Don Solomon *ibn Zadok of Toledo, known as Don
Çulema, was ambassador and almoxarife major [[major inspector]]. His
son and successor, Don Isaac ibn Zadok, known as Don Çag de
la Maleha, played an important role in reestablishing the
finances of Alfonso X, who granted him and his associates
authority to farm taxes owing on the previous 20 years in
return for payment of the enormous sum of 80,000 gold
maravedis for the years 1276 and 1277.
This kind of contract could be very remunerative although
the king frequently went back on his word. It sometimes
happened that, as in the case of Don Çag, a Jewish courtier
fell from royal favor and, as a result, lost his life. The
very financial success of the courtiers tempted the kings to
impose enormous taxes on the Jewish communities, (col. 229)
who were impoverished by their efforts to pay them. The
Church, the Cortes, and the nobility frequently cast a
jaundiced eye on the rise of the Jewish courtiers, who
competed with them for royal favor and gave too powerful a
hand to the strengthening of the monarchy. thus they
frequently put pressure on the king to dislodge his Jewish
courtiers. In spite of all efforts, however, the institution
of the Jewish courtier increased in influence in Castile,
rather than the contrary.
[Aragon: Jews settling from
the north to the south - Jewish positions and protected
Jews]
In Aragon Jewish courtiers were to be found at the court of
James I who used them as interpreters in his survey of the
Arab lands he had reconquered. The king also invited the
Jews to settle in his newly acquired lands; they were to
receive their share of the conquered territory on the sole
condition that they settled on it. There too they were
preferred to Muslims, for the problem of resettling the
former Arab lands was ever present. Thus Jews from the north
of Aragon spread gradually southward, establishing new
communities.
By the edict of Valencia, March 6, 1239, the king confirmed
the authority of the bet
din [[Jewish law court]] in suits between Jews,
except in cases of murder. He also recognized the need for
witnesses of each religion in cases involving Christians and
Jews. The validity of the oath more judaico was reaffirmed. Any Jew who
was arrested must be freed between midday on Friday and
Monday morning.
The king took the Jews and their property under his
protection and forbade anyone to harass them except for a
debt or crime which could be firmly established. This
charter often served as the model for similar charters in
towns throughout Aragon. James I also undertook to protect
the Jews of newly conquered Majorca. As these measures
proved insufficient to populate the new communities, on June
11, 1247, James promised safe conduct and citizenship to any
Jew coming by land or sea to settle in Majorca, Catalonia,
or Valencia.
As far as the internal life of the communities was
concerned, he confirmed and extended their autonomy. By the
privilege granted to the community of *Calatayud on April
22, 1229, he authorized the community to appoint a rabbi and
four directors (adenanti)
to control their affairs, and to dismiss these officials if
they deemed it necessary. They were also authorized to
arrest and even sentence to death any malefactors in their
midst. The community did not have to account for any death
sentences it passed but had to pay the king 1,000 solidos
for every one of these.
The four adenanti
directing the community could, with the agreement of the
aljama [[Jewish community]], pronounce excommunication. Thus
the elected heads of the community exercised considerable
power, especially the authority to impose the death
sentence, which in fact was only pronounced against
informers. The king rarely attempted to interfere with this
autonomy, leaving the communities to direct their own
affairs.> (col. 230)
